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Llicenciat en Sociologia per la Universitat de Barcelona i Màster en Relacions Internacionals a la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. En el camp del desenvolupament ha treballat en l’àrea del lliure comerç i les crisis humanitàries, també ha fet feina de recerca sobre les arrels del conflicte a Palestina. Trainer del programa Erasmus+, ha dut a terme diversos projectes a Europa i Euràsia dins del camp de la cultura de la pau. Ha col·laborat amb organitzacions del Caucas Sud i també realitzant feina de recerca sobre conflicte en aquest espai post-soviètic.
Licenciado en Sociología por la Universidad de Barcelona y Máster en Relaciones Internacionales por la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona. En el campo del desarrollo ha trabajado en el área del libre comercio y las crisis humanitarias, también ha hecho trabajo de investigación sobre las raíces del conflicto en Palestina. Trainer del programa Erasmus +, ha llevado a cabo varios proyectos en Europa y Eurasia en el campo de la cultura de la paz. Ha colaborado con organizaciones del Cáucaso Sur y también realizando trabajo de investigación sobre conflicto en este espacio post-soviético.
Bachelor’s Degree in Sociology at the University of Barcelona and Master’s Degree in International Relations at Autonomous University of Barelona. He worked in the field of development in the area of free trade and also in humanitarian crises. Also in the security field he did research about the roots of the conflict in Palestina. Erasmus+ Trainer, he carried out several projects in Europe and Eurasia within the culture of peace. He has collaborated with South Caucasus organisations and also did research about conflict in this geographical area.
Nací y crecí en Santa Brígida, Gran Canaria. Siempre estuve interesada en viajar y conocer distintas culturas, así como en la política internacional. Sin embargo, no descubrí mi vocación hasta que me formé lo suficiente, tanto en el ámbito teórico como realizando distintos voluntariados, lo que me permitió definir con mayor exactitud mis intereses.
Actualmente estoy graduada en Derecho por la Universidad Pompeu Fabra y estoy finalizando Administración de empresas en la misma universidad. El año pasado comencé mis estudios en antropología en la UNED y este año estoy cursando el máster en derechos humanos, con la especialización en inmigración y extranjería en dicha universidad.
A día de hoy me encuentro realizando un servicio de voluntariado europeo en Cecina, Italia, dando apoyo a trabajadores sociales en la asistencia a inmigrantes y refugiados. Voluntariado que no podría estar haciendo sin la ayuda de ARCI e ISAGORIA, y a las cuales me gustaría agradecer por su dedicación y su compromiso con la sociedad y con las que espero poder seguir colaborando una vez finalice esta experiencia.
He graduated with a Master in Human Rights and Democratization and is currently an EVS Volunteer at Civil Forum for Peace in Georgia. His main interest focuses on human rights concerns in conflict-affected areas including economic, social, and cultural rights.
Esta función no está disponible en este momento. Por cualquier cuestión puedes escribirnos a info@isagoria.org.
This option is not available yet. For any information you can write as at info@isagoria.org.
Isagoria firmly believes in the need to transform conflicts and the use of these as a catalyst for change. We base this theory on the work of John Paul Lederach, which aims to overcome conflict and not only to mitigate its effects, but to transform its causes, employing creativity and dialogue.
Europe is formed of countries with consolidated democracies, some more so than others. In essence, these democracies guarantee the fundamental rights of their citizens, promote tolerance and political plurality, as well as ensuring the existence of checks and balances to control the actions of government. Civil society organisations must work to ensure that this is the case and must speak out against those situations that erode the quality of democracy.
Through European programmes, Isagoria aims to promote the exchange of ideas between eastern and western Europe to come to shared conclusions. Isagoria also works with civil society organisations in the ex-Soviet countries, which in a critical way look to improve their democratic systems and their electoral and participatory processes.
Our understanding of Intercultural Dialogue is based on the Council of Europe’s definition: “Intercultural dialogue is an open and respectful exchange of views between individuals and groups belonging to different cultures that leads to a deeper understanding of the other’s global perception.”
Isagoria bases its understanding of peace on the theory of Johann Galtung, the founder of the Oslo School of Peace Studies. Galtung created the concept of ‘peacebuilding’, with the aim of putting into practice the conditions for a long-lasting peace. His theory also gave rise to concepts that truly help us understand the dynamics of conflict, such as negative peace, imposed by authority, and structural violence, which is imposed by those who hold power.
Isagoria arrela els seus coneixements de pau en la teoria de Johann Galtung, fundador de l’escola de recerca de pau d’Oslo. Galtung va crear el concepte de “peacebuilding” amb l’objectiu de crear condicions per a una pau duradora. De la seva teoria van sortir també conceptes que ens ajuden molt a compendre les dinàmiques de conflicte com el de la pau negativa, imposada per l’autoritat, i el de la violència estructural, aquella que és exercida des del poder.
Europa está formada por países con democracias consolidadas, algunas más que otras. En esencia estas democracias garantizan los derechos fundamentales de los ciudadanos, fomentan la tolerancia y el pluralismo político, además de asegurar que haya contrapoderes que controlen la acción de gobierno. Las organizaciones de la sociedad civil tienen que velar para que esto sea así y denunciar aquellas situaciones que atenten contra la calidad democrática. Isagoria busca facilitar el intercambio de visiones entre el este y el oeste de Europa para encontrar posiciones conjuntas. También colabora con las organizaciones de la sociedad civil del espacio post-soviético que de forma crítica buscan una mejora de sus sistemas democráticos y los procesos de elección y participación.
Entendemos el diálogo intercultural a la manera del Consejo de Europa, es decir, como “un intercambio abierto y respetuoso de visiones entre personas y grupos pertenecientes a diferentes culturas que conducen a una comprensión más profunda de la percepción global del otro”.
Isagoria cree firmemente en la necesidad de transformación de los conflictos y el uso de estos como motor de cambio. Fundamenta esta parte teórica en los trabajos de John Paul Lederach, que buscan la superación del conflicto y no sólo la mitigación de sus efectos, si no la transoformació de sus causas con creatividad y diálogo.
Isagoria arraiga sus conocimientos de paz en la teoría de Johann Galtung, fundador de la escuela de investigación de paz de Oslo. Galtung creó el concepto de “peacebuilding” con el objetivo de crear condiciones para una paz duradera. De su teoría salieron también conceptos que nos ayudan mucho a comprender las dinámicas del conflicto como el de la paz negativa, impuesta por la autoridad, y el de la violencia estructural, aquella que es ejercida desde el poder.
Europa està formada per països amb democràcies consolidades, algunes més que d’altres. En essència aquestes democràcies garanteixen els drets fonamentals dels ciutadans, fomenten la tolerància i el pluralisme polític, a més d’assegurar que hi hagi contrapoders que regulin l’acció de govern. Les organitzacions de la societat civil han de vetllar per a que això sigui així i denunciar aquelles situacions que atemptin contra la qualitat democràtica. Isagoria dona suport a les organitzacions de la societat civil de l’espai post-soviètic que de forma crítica busquen una millora dels seus sistemes democràtics i els processos d’elecció i participació, per a que aquestes joves democràcies millorin els seus processos i es consolidin.
Entenem el diàleg intercultural a la manera del Consell d’Europa, és a dir, com “un intercanvi obert i respectuós de visions entre persones i grups pertanyents a diferents cultures que menen a una comprensió més profunda de la percepció global de l’altre”.
Isagoria creu fermament en la necessitat de transformació dels conflictes i l’ús d’aquests com a motor de canvi. Fonamenta aquesta part teòrica en els treballs de John Paul Lederach, que busquen la superació del conflicte i no només la mitigació dels seus efectes, si no la transoformació de les seves causes amb creativitat i diàleg.
He holds a degree in Humanities from Universitat Pompeu Fabra and a Master’s degree in International Relations, Security and Development from Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. He has lived in Austria and Turkey. He is currently pursuing studies in International Trade. His areas of concern are Turkey, the Balkans, Central Asia, Peace and Security and Civil-Military relations, among others.
Es graduado en Humanidades por la Universidad Pompeu Fabra y Máster en Relaciones Internacionales por la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona. Actualmente combina su labor de asistente a la investigación en la Universidad de Barcelona con los estudios de Derecho y las funciones en Asociación Isagoria. Sus temas de interés son la política, la historia y la cultura de los países del este de Europa y Asia central.
Graduado en Historia por la Universidad de Barcelona. Actualmente está cursando una diplomatura de postgrado sobre cultura de paz en la Escuela de Cultura de Paz de la UAB, además de ruso. Vivió en Eslovenia. Sus ámbitos de interés son la historia, la política y los conflictos nacionales de los Balcanes, de Europa del este y de Asia central.
Licenciado en Historia en la Universidad de Salamanca y Máster en Relaciones Internacionales, Seguridad y Desarrollo por la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona. Actualmente estudia un segundo máster en Migraciones Internacionales y Relaciones Étnicas en la Universidad de Malmö y trabaja con emigrantes comunitarios sin techo en Copenhaguen. Además, ha trabajado en el ámbito de la comunicación promocionando programas de juventud en diversas organizaciones europeas y juveniles en Barcelona y Poitiers. Antes había estudiado en Groningen, Países Bajos. Está interesado en temas de identidades y relaciones étnicas. También forma parte de la Junta directiva de Isagoria en la implementación de nuevos proyectos sobre sobre resolución de conflictos y cultura de paz a través del programa Erasmus + de la Comisión Europea.
Estudia Derecho con un especial interés en temas jurídicos europeos y en Derecho Penal internacional en Göttingen, Alemania. Es jefe de proyectos y coordinador de la asociación internacional para la paz Service Civil International (SCI). En su actividad cívica se dedica de forma especial en la participación democrática, la cooperación Oeste-Este y el tratamiento político y social de la crisis de los refugiados. Además, trabaja como profesor de lengua alemana y de asesor legal para demandantes de asilo en Göttingen. Combina esta actividad con la redacción de artículos para la revista de la rama alemana del SPI y ensayos para Isagoria.
Licenciada en Traducción e Interpretación con inglés, alemán y ruso como lenguas extranjeras, tiene un Máster en Relaciones Internacionales, Seguridad y Desarrollo. Fue estudiante de intercambio en el Cáucaso ruso y pasó una temporada en Alemania. Actualmente hace un curso de posgrado en Cultura de Paz en la Escuela de Cultura de Paz de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona. Sus áreas de interés son: las diversas regiones del Espacio Post–Soviético y Oriente Medio, Cultura de Paz, la Agenda Internacional de Mujeres, Paz y Seguridad y los Feminismos.
Su investigación actual estudia los cambios geopolíticos y geo-económicos globales. Más específicamente, se focaliza en el ascenso de China como poder global e Irán como poder regional. Respecto China, investiga las implicaciones geopolíticas y geo-económicas de la iniciativa China de una Nueva Ruta de la Seda, también conocida como la iniciativa Belt & Road (B & R), centrándose en la conectividad, infraestructura y seguridad energética. Respecto Irán se focaliza en la búsqueda de las rivalidades geopolíticas entre Irán y Arabia Saudita por un lado, y de Irán y Turquía por la otra.
Graduado en Humanidades por la Universidad Pompeu Fabra y máster en Relaciones Internacionales, Seguridad y Desarrollo por la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona. Ha vivido en Austria y, más recientemente, en Turquía. Actualmente cursa estudios en Comercio Internacional. Sus temas de interés son Turquía, los Balcanes, Asia Central, Paz y Seguridad y Relaciones Civil-Militares, entre otros.
Graduado en Historia por la Universidad de Barcelona. Actualmente está cursando una diplomatura de postgrado sobre cultura de paz en la Escuela de Cultura de Paz de la UAB, además de ruso. Vivió en Eslovenia. Sus ámbitos de interés son la historia, la política y los conflictos nacionales de los Balcanes, de Europa del este y de Asia central.
Graduat en Humanitats per la Universitat Pompeu Fabra i màster en Relacions Internacionals, Seguretat i Desenvolupament per la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Ha viscut a Àustria i, més recentment, a Turquia. Actualment cursa estudis en Comerç Internacional. Els seus temes d’interès són Turquia, els Balcans, Àsia Central, Pau i Seguretat i Relacions Civil-Militars, entre d’altres.
Llicenciat en Història a la Universitat de Salamanca i Màster en Relacions Internacionals, Seguretat i Desenvolupament per la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Actualment estudia un segon màster en Migracions Internacionals i Relacions Ètniques a la Universitat de Malmö i treballa amb emigrants comunitaris sense sostre a Copenhagen. A més a més, ha treballat en l’àmbit de la comunicació promocionant programes de joventut en diverses organitzacions europees i juvenils a Barcelona i Poitiers. Abans havia estudiat a Groningen, Països Baixos. Està interessat en temes d’identitats i relacions ètniques. També forma part de la Junta directiva d’Isagoria en la implementació de nous projectes sobre sobre resolució de conflictes i cultura de pau a través del programa Erasmus+ de la Comissió Europea.
Estudia Dret amb un especial interès en temes jurídics europeus i en Dret Penal internacional a Göttingen, Alemanya. És cap de projectes i coordinador de l’associació internacional per la pau Service Civil International (SCI). En la seva activitat cívica es dedica de forma especial en la participació democràtica, la cooperació Oest-Est i el tractament polític i social de la crisi dels refugiats. A més a més, treballa com a professor de llengua alemanya i d’assessor legal per a demandants d’asil a Göttingen. Combina aquesta activitat amb la redacció d’articles per a la revista de la branca alemanya de l’SCI i assaigs per a Isagoria.
És graduat en Humanitats per la Universitat Pompeu Fabra i màster en Relacions Internacionals per la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Actualment combina la seva tasca d’assistent a la recerca a la Universitat de Barcelona amb els estudis de Dret i les funcions a Isagoria associació. Els seus temes d’interès són la política, la història i la cultura dels països de l’est d’Europa i Àsia central.
His current research investigates contemporary shifts in global geopolitics/geo-economics. More specifically, he focuses on the rise of China as a global power and Iran as a regional power. In terms of China, he investigates the geopolitical and geo-economic implications of China’s New Silk Road initiative, otherwise known as the Belt and Road (B&R) initiative, with a focus on connectivity, infrastructure, and energy security. In terms of Iran, the focus of his research is the geopolitical rivalries between Iran and Saudi Arabia on the one hand and Iran and Turkey on the other.
La seva recerca actual estudia els canvis geopolítics i geo-econòmics globals. Més específicament, es focalitza en l’ascens de la Xina com a poder global i l’Iran com a poder regional. Respecte la Xina, investiga les implicacions geopolítiques i geo-econòmiques de la iniciativa xinesa d’una Nova Ruta de la Seda, altrament coneguda com la iniciativa Belt & Road (B&R), centrant-se en la connectivitat, infraestructura i seguretat energètica. Respecte l’Iran es focalitza en la recerca de les rivalitats geopolítiques entre l’Iran i Aràbia Saudita per una banda, i de l’Iran i Turquia per l’altra.
He studied Humanities at the Pompeu Fabra University and holds a Master’s degree in International Relations from the Autonomous University of Barcelona. Currently combines his work as a research assistant at the University of Barcelona with his Law studies and his functions at Isagoria association. His areas of interest are the politics, history and culture of the eastern Europe countries and central Asia.
Graduated in History at Salamanca University and Master Degree in International Relations, Security and Development at Autonomous University of Barcelona. He has worked in the field of communication promoting youth programs within several european organisations in Barcelona and Poitiers, France. Besides, he has studied in Groningen, The Netherlands. He is interested in identity issues and ethnic relations. He is currently exploring new ways to analyse and implement new conflict management and peace bulding projects within young generations throught the Erasmus+ program from the European Commission.
Studies Law with a special interest in European legal studies and International Criminal Law in Göttingen, Germany. He acts as a project manager and coordinator for the international peace organization Service Civil International (SCI). His focus of civic engagement include democratic participation, West-East cooperation and the political and social treatment of the global refugee crisis. Also, he works as a German teacher and legal advisor for asylum seekers in Göttingen. Besides, he writes article for the member’s magazine of the German SCI branch and essays for Isagoria.
Llicenciada en Traducció i Interpretació amb anglès, alemany i rus com a llengües estrangeres, té un Màster en Relacions Internacionals, Seguretat i Desenvolupament. Va ser estudiant d’intercanvi al Caucas Rus i va passar una temporada a Alemanya. Actualment fa un curs de postgrau en Cultura de Pau a l’Escola de Cultura de Pau de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Les seves àrees d’interès són: les diverses regions de l’Espai Post-Soviètic i l’Orient Mitjà, Cultura de Pau, l’Agenda Internacional de Dones, Pau i Seguretat i els Feminismes.
Graduat en Història per la Universitat de Barcelona. Actualment està cursant una diplomatura de postgrau sobre cultura de pau a l’Escola de Cultura de Pau de la UAB, a més de rus. Va viure a Eslovènia. Els seus àmbits d’interès són la història, la política i els conflictes nacionals dels Balcans, d’Europa de l’est i d’Àsia central.
She is a graduate in Translation (English, German and Russian as foreign languages) and has a Master’s in International Relations, Security and Development. She was an exchange student at the Russian Caucasus and spent a period in Germany. Nowadays she is taking a post-degree course on Culture of Peace at the School for a Culture of Peace at the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona. Her areas of concern are: the Post-Soviet regions and Middle East, Culture of Peace, the International Agenda on Women, Peace and Security and Feminisms.
Graduated in History at the Univresity of Barcelona. He is currently studing a post-degree course on Culture of Peace at the School for a Culture of Peace at the Autonomous University of Barcelona (UAB), and also Russian language. He has lived in Slovenia. His areas of interest are the history, politics and national conflicts of the Balkans, Eastern Europe and Central Asia.
Last Updated: 23 de Gener de 2019 by admin
Noncitizens of Latvia (I): The origins of the issue
This June 17th marked the 77th anniversary of the Soviet Union occupation of the Republic of Latvia, and followed the anniversary of the creation of the Latvian Socialist Soviet Republic on the 21st of July 1940. More than fifty years of Soviet domination had severe socio-economic and cultural implications for Latvians but also for those ethnic Russians that were forced to move into the former Soviet Latvia. This first paper on the topic of Latvian noncitizens aims to analyse the historical evolution of Soviet Latvia and the complicate relations in between ethnic Latvians and ethnic Russians and how fifty years of Soviet domination shaped the current policies towards citizenship acquisition.
Author: Luís Vilachá
After Latvia restored its independence in 1991 and following the collapse of the Soviet Union, more that 700 thousand people were excluded from receiving Latvian citizenship following the Citizenship Law from 1995. According to this law, a strong connection with the country was necessary in order to hold Latvian citizenship. One of the main requirements was and still is to be descendent from someone with Latvian origin before the Soviet occupation of the country in June 1940. The ones remaining were regrouped under the title of noncitizens. According to the law that regulates former USSR Citizens who do not have the Citizenship of Latvia or any other State, those noncitizens were entitled with almost the same rights and duties as those people holding Latvian citizenship. However, they did not have the right to vote or participating in elections, nor could they work for the public administration (Likumi, 2013:nd; Likumi, 2007a:nd).
Almost twenty years after the Citizenship law was introduced, the number of noncitizens have fallen considerably. In 2014 a report from the Latvian government showed that 276,797 noncitizens still live in the country. The are several reasons behind this, old generations passing away have had a considerable influence, but it is not the only one. Migration outside Latvia due to Visa-free travel to the Russian Federation since 2008 has been also an important factor to be considered. For those who have remained, some of them have decided to pass the naturalisation test. Others are non willing to acquire Latvian citizenship due to their elderly or they just oppose the process, arguing ideological issues concerning the content of the naturalisation test (ISI, 2014:99; Pandeia, 2014:nd).
Soviet internal migration
According to the Citizenship Law you can only claim Latvian citizenship if you are able to prove that your ancestors held Latvian citizenship before the 17th of June 1940. This date represents the day of the occupation of what it is called these days the Republic of Latvia by the Soviet Union, and it followed the creation of the Socialist Soviet Republic of Latvia (LSSR, from now on) the 21st of July 1940, which last until the 4th of May 1990. During this time period the balance in between ethnic Latvians in comparison with several other ethnicities, but specially ethnic Russians has changed substantially. According to Prikulis, before 1940 a total amount of 170 thousands ethnic Russians lived in Latvia following the historical bounds in between the Russian Empire and what is now called the Republic of Latvia throughout the centuries. In 1989, after more than 40 years since the creation of the LSSR, the amount of ethnic Russians increased to 906 thousand, which represented a general increase of 433% (1997:4-5).
Migration flows varied from the initial period in comparison with the last decades of the Soviet Union. As a matter of fact, several factors can be argued when analysing internal migration within the Soviet Union. During the period in between 1940-1950 around half a million people arrived in the LSSR, as this Baltic republic represented one of the most urban and industrialised areas in the Soviet Union (ibid:4-5). This economic advantage enjoyed by the Baltic area (mainly current Estonia and Latvia) led to rapid growth of their urban areas as citizens from other parts of the Soviet Union associated industrial employment with high social benefits that were lacking in other areas such as Siberia, the Urals or the North Caucasus region (Ball & Demko, 1978:102-6). This internal migration flows came together with an increase in the housing construction following the aftermath of World War II. Parallel to this, the city of Riga became the headquarters of the Baltic military district which foster the arrival of over 150 thousand military personnel from other parts of the Soviet Union. These large migration flows came along with several changes in the existent cultural and linguistic balance within the LSSR. During this time period, the amount of ethnic Russians increased from being less than 10% before 1940 to 34% in 1989. At the same time, Belarusians and Ukrainians together barely reached 2% in the 1940 to almost 10% combined in 1989 (Heleniak, 2006:n.d; Prikulis, 1997: 6-8; Russians of Latvia, 2017:nd).
Besides these significant demographic changes, several education laws were introduced during the time Stalin (a russified Georgian), and especially Nikita Khrushchev, were the leaders of the Soviet Union. One of the main objectives behind the education laws was to elevate the status of the Russian language. The purpose behind, was to unify a very divided mosaic of different ethnicities and nationalities at the expenses of the other spoken languages in the Soviet Union (Silver, 1974:28-40; Zembergs, 1980,n.d). In order to do so, different policies were implemented to russifie the daily life of the Soviet republics, such as the standardization of Cyrillic as common alphabet within the different languages inside Soviet Union, to upgrade the status of the Russian language into the status of mother tongue, among others. These ‘cultural corrections’, together with the above mentioned massive migration from the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (from now on, RSFSR) helped fostering ethnic and social tensions among ethnic Latvians as many of the policies implemented both from the governments of Moscow and Riga, favoured ethnic Russians (Silver, 1974:30; Prikulis, 1997:6-8; Muzergues, 2004:14-6).
The fact that around 9 million Russians lived outside the RSFSR during the existence of the Soviet Union had large historical, cultural and demographic implications for the territories they migrated to, both during the existence of the Soviet Union but also once it collapsed in 1991. Once these internal migrants started to arrive into the former LSSR significant changes affected the previous demographic balance of the republic. Only ten years after the creation of the LSSR the amount of ethnics Latvians decreased from being 77% in 1940 to become 63% in 1950 (Prikulis, 1997:8,17). It is important to mention though, that at the same time the total population of the LSSR dramatically increased from being less that 2 million in 1935 to become almost 2,7 million in 1989 due to the internal migration flows mentioned above. It was not only due to the massive arrival of ethnic Russians, but also due to deportations and forced migration of ethnic Latvians that the balance changed (Lazda, 2009:522).
Since the end of the LSSR and together with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the demographic balance of the current Republic of Latvia has changed again. In fact the amount of ethnic Russians has decreased in comparison with the traditional mounting during Soviet times (ibid.:522). As Prikulis explains, in between 1991-1997 more people fled from Latvia to the Russian Federation that in the other way as it has taken place before (1997:18-9). For those ethnic Russians and in a minor way ethnic Slavs staying in the Republic of Latvia after it regained its independence, it became considerably harder, especially regarding the access to equal rights as ethnic Latvians. In fact during the first years after regaining its independence, the Republic of Latvia did not have any specific law to grant Latvian citizenship to non-ethnic Latvians until 1995 when the Citizenship Law was finally introduced. The main reason behind the slow process on whether citizenship was meant to be granted to ethnic Russians or not, was the discussions around whether the newly independent Republic of Latvia was or was not the heir of the former LSSR. In fact it was considered that this new Republic had its direct ancestor in the previous Republic of Latvia before the Soviet occupation of 1940 and therefore, strong discussions took place to decide whether these nearly million ethnic Russians should be accommodated it within the new legislation or just deported back to the Russian Federation (Heleniak, 2006:n.d).
Two sides of the same coin: Are they citizens?
Once the first draft of the Citizenship law was being discussed, ethnic Russians were facing two options regarding their immediate future in the country. They could stay and fight for their political rights or leave Latvia forever. Many of those ethnic Slavs who chose to leave the country, they started leaving the Republic of Latvia once the former LSSR disappeared and Latvia regained its independence, especially as many of them were military personnel. Retaliation from ethnic Latvians but most importanly familiar ties in other former Soviet republics were also important for those who decided to leave Latvia once the LSSR disappeared (Jubilis, 2001:163-189; Prikulis, 1997:18-19).
What does the concept of citizenship stands for?
According to Pocock (1995), citizenship is a ‘legal status, carrying with it with rights to certain things’ (in Joppke, 2010:7). According to Roger Brubaker, to hold a citizenship from one country is internally inclusive and externally exclusive, meaning that for those who hold any citizenship, being a citizen entitles them with several rights that are not just linked to be part of the nation in itself. It implies group membership. When referring to externally exclusive it means that for those lacking the citizenship of the nation they reside or are intending to reside in the near future, they find themselves outside the boundary-dimension that holding a citizenship entitles them (Brubaker, 1996:21; Joppke, 2010:6). Citizenship is then, connected with national-identity, which is determined following the interpretation of jus sanguinis (acquisition from blood/descendent) or jus soli (acquisition by place of birth), and therefore once a person holds the citizenship from a state, this person is entitled among other things with the ‘unconditional right’ to remain and reside in the territory of the state that person belongs to (Brubaker, 1996:23-4; Shevel, 2009:275). Even though as Shevel explains, Brubaker’s approach on citizenship based on national-identity is widely accepted, there are some critics that argue that other factors such the economy, traditions, or the military among others are also bound to citizenship (2009:276).
Within the case of the Post-Soviet area, and more specifically to noncitizens in Latvia, we see how national-identity and more specifically ethnic grouping is bound to citizenship, which is key to understand the Citizenship Law from 1995 and the previous exclusion of ethnic Russians from citizenship acquisition once the Republic of Latvia regained its independence. As Shevel explains, it is important when approaching this issue, to take into account the lack of useful guidance the citizenship law from the Soviet Union provided for the lawmakers of the Post-Soviet republics. Most of the new republics followed Soviet citizenship laws, nevertheless the Baltic republics decided to take their own path and only recognise as citizenship those with legal documentation prior 1940. (ibid.:276-7).
A Transethnic country
In 1989 two years before the collapse of the Soviet Union the Soviet census showed that 34% of the inhabitants of the LSSR where ethnic Russians, while 52% where ethnic Latvians and the rest was spread among different ethnic Slavs (mainly Ukrainians and Belarusians), and then Jews, Germans and Estonians. The LSSR and its chronological successor the Republic of Latvia since 1991 was partially divided into two big ethnic groups. As Lazda explains, even though there was an obvious ethnic division and there was also a clear fear among ethnic Latvians that ethnic Russians would end up taking over the country due to the Russification policies I have explained above. There was a truly believe that ethnic Latvians will vanish. However, even considering this social threat among ethnic Latvians, it is significant to mention that demonstrations pro freedom and democracy in between 1989 and 1991 were transethnic. This means that both ethnic Latvians and Russians were fighting against the same rival, which it was not the RSFSR, but the Soviet Union (2009:519). Those ethnic Russians who fought for independence together with ethnic Latvians, believed in democratic values and were against both the LSSR and the Soviet Union. They gather around the Latvian Popular Front (LTF acronym in Latvian) which had the magazine Awakening (Atmoda in Latvian) as a platform to defend, among other things, an inclusive Latvian nation (ibid.:524-8).
‘Everyone has the right to a nationality’ (UN, 1948:nd).
The sentence above can be found in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights from 1948. Within the Latvian context, it applies to those who were claiming for rights and continued with their claim once the Republic of Latvia was officially reborn. As Batchelor argues, difficulties can exist when the right to have a nationality collides with state succession and/or restoration. In fact, being national and therefore holding citizenship from a state brings the membership obligation Brubaker defends when arguing than territory and membership are closely related (Batchelor, 1998:157-9; Brubaker 1996:22). Within the Latvian context, transethnic interests towards the common goal of overcoming the Soviet Union united both ethnicities until 1991. The situation began to deteriorate after Latvia regained its independence from the Soviet Union in August 1991. Latvian independence was followed by an initial absence of leadership in a country that was firmly ruled by one party for decades. Together with this lack of political leadership, but also corruption, economic pressure and ethnic tensions among Latvians and Russians, the LFT which strongly advocated for a transnational Latvia lost all its previous support and failed to be nominated for Parliament in the elections of 1993 (King, 2012:139-140; Lazda, 2009:530-1).
Once the existence of this ‘power vacuum’ (King, 2012:140) became decisive at all political and social levels, the race to get into power started and tensions over the sensitive topic of ethnicity became more visible. The drafting of two sensitive laws contributed into the escalation of tension among the two largest ethnic groups. The language and the citizenship law. In 1989 the LFT had proposed to grant citizenship to all residents of the former LSSR no matter their ethnicity. The only requirement was to prove residence in the country during the last 10 years. However, once Latvia regained its independence, the Parliament openly proclaimed the illegal 50 year occupation of the Soviet Union and stated that the newly regained Republic was not a democratic continuation of the LSSR but of the previous Latvian Republic from 1940. This implied, among other things, that the requirements for citizenship acquisition were severely harden, as it was required to have Latvian ancestors before 1940 in order to be a Latvian citizen. Once the first Citizenship Law was approved, more than 700 thousand ethnic Russians were excluded from citizenship acquisition. They became officially noncitizens (Lazda, 2009:530-1).
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